KARL JASPERS FORUM
TA100 (Smith)
Response 1 (to <1> in C2 by
Stanley Krippner and to <1> and <2> in C3
by Fred Abraham)
ON FUNCTIONAL AND OPERATIONAL
DEFINITIONS FOR 'COMMON SENSE'
by Roulette Wm Smith
28 December 2007, posted 5
January 2008
[1]
I am extraordinarily grateful for
your thoughtful and insightful comments regarding definitions of common sense
(also see [20, 21, 57, 58, 83, 84, 88, 89, 90] in
TA100). Geneticist, biology textbook
author and science journalist Ricki A. Lewis shares
your concerns. She specifically
recommended that a definition of common sense should appear early in TA100 (Ricki Lewis, personal communications). My decision to ignore Lewis’ advice was based
on Ausabel’s notion of “advanced organizers.” I simply did not want to create unfulfilling
expectations once I realized that aberrations in common sense possibly could
lead to ambiguities and changes in any definitions. In the end, this decision proved to be
correct.
[2]
Needless to say, I struggled
mightily to provide a useful and accurate definition for common sense. Initially, I defined common sense as “core
nurturance within a herd, group and/or culture” (see [89] in TA100). I reported this definition in San Francisco at
a 2007 SF Tesla Society Meeting, in 2006 in Baden-Baden, Germany at the 18th
International Conference on Systems Research, Informatics and Cybernetics (InterSymp 2006), and earlier this year in Puerto Rico at
the 2007 Winter Chaos (Snowflake) Conference. This definition is: concise; succinct; reflects
the importance of development, nurturance, culture and group differences; and,
captures roles of both ‘common knowledge’ and underlying ‘common cognitive
processes’ (including question-asking, question-answering, help seeking,
teaching, caring, and decision-making; see [89, 90] in TA100). Moreover, each of the terms for common sense
in Table 1 is consistent with this definition.
[3]
My research teaches me that the
term “common sense” applies to ‘populations’ (i.e., groups, herds, etc.) and
‘individuals’ within those populations. When
confronted with the disorders in common sense in Germany earlier this year
(i.e., 2007), and when recalling my 1985 experiences with aberrant common sense
in elementary school students in Sunnyvale, CA, it became critically important
to understand aberrations in common sense. I began constructing Table 2 after the 4th
International Conference on Humanistic and Transpersonal Psychologies and
Psychotherapies (see attached .pdf file for the most
recent revisions to Tables 1, 2 and 3). Table 2 cites definitions and expressions for
aberrations in common sense from dictionaries, scholars and laypersons –
including bartenders, taxi drivers and the woman or man on the street. [NB: Bartenders were canvassed because they often
have first-hand experiences involving dynamic changes in common sense when
their clients are under the influence of alcohol and other addictive
substances.]
[4]
Although neither Table 1 nor 2 is
complete, several findings are emerging from my effort to construct Table 2. Many informants and other persons struggled to
find mild, kind, neutral and non-offensive ways of describing persons with
disorders in common sense. In the end, almost all persons expressed some
exasperation and ultimately resorted to curses, unflattering terms and other
references to mental deficiencies (e.g., small brain, dumb, fool, idiot,
stupid, half a loaf, crazy, etc. consistent with my notion of “functional
strokes” [91, 92] in TA100) when describing their personal experiences with
persons who they perceived to have disorders in common sense. Indeed, Poet Neill Edwards and I were
challenged to find a neutral and non-offensive alternative to the word
“stupid.” Our softened term was
“inappropriate” (see [84] and Footnotes {45. 46, 59} in TA100). Whether our action
represents ‘experimenter bias’ remains to be elucidated. These findings
have two important implications. First,
any definition of common sense must consider both appropriate and inappropriate
behaviors and decision processes. Second, operational and functional definitions
of common sense must take into account extreme outliers associated with
significant inappropriateness in disorders of common sense.
[5]
Table 3 is updated to reflect a
recent overnight visit with Propositi “D” and “E”. Because of the chaos encountered in the German
household, I
accepted the opportunity to be an overnight guest in Proposita
“D’s” home. Although I have known her
since 1971, I never had an opportunity to observe her in situ. The chaos in her household immediately was
evident thereby providing further support for the value of in situ
observations. My overnight visit also
provided evidence of severe psychosocial dysfunctions which often are inapparent during short and fleeting encounters. Thus, health and caring professionals may need
to find ways to engage their clients in some level of in situ observations to
fully appreciate the exasperating aspects of disorders of common sense.
[6]
These observations teach that
common sense comprises “core nurturance within a group, herd and/or culture,
although most, if not all, decision-making processes must be appropriate within
the context of that group, herd and/or culture, and no(!)
decision-making processes should be inappropriate within
the context of that group, herd and/or culture.” Clearly, operational and functional challenges
are to assess appropriateness and inappropriateness. This is a reason I propose to discuss the
economics of chaos and aberrant common sense at the forthcoming 2008 Winter
Chaos (Snowflake) Conference (also see [80, 82, 96, 103] in TA100). Because disorders in common sense often
involve extreme outliers when compared to well-circumscribed errors which can
occur in common sense, simple analysis of variance (ANOVA) procedures may be
inadequate in assessing extreme outliers. Economics employs important tools that may
find value in this application. These
tools include a Pareto-like Principle, Gini
coefficients and indices, Theil entropic measures and
several novel syntropic measures (cf. Footnote {18}
and [80] in TA100). The Pareto principle
(also known as the ‘80-20 rule’, the ‘law of the vital few’ and the ‘principle
of factor sparsity’) states that, for many events,
80% of the effects comes from 20% of the causes. In the case of a proposed Pareto-like
Principle for common sense, the, say, ≤20% of persons with disorders in
common sense in a population cause and consume, say, ≥80% of attention,
chaos, derision, services and resources. Although these numbers are arbitrary at this
time, the underlying message is clear; chaos and aberrations in common sense
are extremely costly ! This is the crux of concerns about the
economics of chaos and aberrant common sense in unknowingly needy and worried
well. Gini
coefficients and indices should assist in assessing extreme outliers. Novel syntropic
measures and indices would be consistent with common sense, whereas flat or low
syntropic findings would be consistent with disorders
in common sense.
[7]
Under the above definition for
common sense, disorders in common sense consist of one or more inappropriate behaviors and decision-making strategies (in the context of
the group, herd and/or culture) derived from inadequate or inappropriate
development, nurturance, and/or situational trauma. These disorders in common sense may lead to
mild to severe psychopathic and sociopathic behaviors,
stress-related physical symptoms, and chaos for others. Horrendous crimes also may be consequences of
disorders in common sense. Because laws
and crimes are based on group, herd or cultural norms, I am unable to think of
any crime which would not be considered a disorder in common sense. Even the notion of “just war” may represent an
inappropriate attempt to change common sense in a population by individuals
within that population or by outsiders.
[8]
One should note that the proposed
definition in [6] differs subtly, though importantly, from a working definition
proposed by Krippner. Krippner’s notion of
“functional for the individual as well as for his/her social group” does not
adequately deal with possibilities that what an individual perceives to be
functional may not be acceptable within the population. An individual may perceive that “my way or the
highway” is functional (see [46, 61, 64, 69, 84, 104], Table 3 page 64, and
Footnote {45} in TA 100), whereas the population regards such behaviors as inane. The population also may not know of an
individual’s dysfuntionalities – thereby providing a
priori and default presumptions of common sense. Krippner also raises
the issue of biological predispositions. This precisely is the issue of representations
of common sense in non-proteomic regions of the host’s genome in brain. It is extremely important to disambiguate
proteomic (i.e., genetic) and non-proteomic (i.e., non-genetic) issues. Equally important, developmental and nurturing
aspects of congenital (and intrauterine), and post-natal components in common
sense must be teased-out.
[9]
A focus on economics has another
important implication. Because fMRI increasingly is
used to assess brain activity in tasks involving moral and rational behavior, some version of this technology may contribute to
the explication of one’s understanding of irrational, inappropriate, and
‘functional stroke’ activities in disorders of common sense (see [91, 92] in
TA100). Not only would this approach
extend one’s understanding of brain and behavior,
ultimately it may add support for common non-proteomic regions of the genome
(in brain) serving as repositories of long-term memories. In view of savant-like behaviors
in Propositi “C” and “E”, fMRI
also may contribute to the disambiguation of commonsense elements in the
autistic spectrum of disorders – including Malcolm Gladwell’s
notion “temporary autism” (see [80] in TA 100). Indeed, temporary autism and dynamic changes
in common sense (e.g., when under the influence of alcohol) now should be
investigated for an underlying molecular biological basis.
[10]
Stanley Krippner
offers an excellent suggestion that one analyze mathematics and reading
performance (also see [65] in TA100). Needless to say, I considered this
possibility on numerous occasions. A
more immediate challenge is to construct culturally-sensitive mathematics and
logic problems as well as reading tasks that can distinguish reasoning skills
associated with well-circumscribed errors in common sense from extreme outliers
prevalent in disorders in common sense. It
was quite fortuitous that in 1985 the school librarian cited the material in
Exhibit 4. Without those examples, I may
not have been able to identify aberrant common sense among the elementary
school students in Sunnyvale, CA. This
challenge of producing culturally-sensitive and culturally-relevant materials
may find expression and applications in art and graphics design, medicine,
developmental psychology, education (including curriculum design, instructional
science, and special education), and philosophy. An appropriate novel test theory which takes
into account peer and other cultural norms also may be indicated (see [79] in
TA100). [NB: ACT, ETS, and other testing
services already use identifying numbers which can be used to both track
individuals over time as well as assess an individual’s performance in
relationship to his or her identified peers.] Such a test theory would place less emphasis
on “the bell curve” and individual differences. It would incorporate more sensitivity to one’s
relationships with peers. After all,
common sense is an attribute of both individuals and their populations. The novel test theory also could resolve
debates about languages, second languages, and, cultural and ethnic differences
in performances.
[11]
Finally, Professor Krippner mentions that my notion of DNA being a repository
of long-term memories is “extremely controversial, of course” and “the
provocative notion about junk DNA.” Because Krippner’s
comments are based on an earlier version of my manuscript, I responded by
adding an Afterword (see [106-118]) in TA 100.
Suffice it to say, the molecular evidence supporting my model is
overwhelming … with most of that evidence having been available in 1979 (see
Exhibit 1 and [106-118] in TA 100). A
central challenge now is to convince genome research teams headed by, say,
Francis Collins, J. Craig Venter, Svante Pääbo or others that no(!) genome sequences will have full
relevance without ruling out DNA dynamics in brain. When one considers the many millions of
dollars invested in genome sequencing equipment, laboratories and staffing,
those research teams must be convinced that to ‘responsibly’ sequence genomes
of higher-order organisms requires that they also explore evidence of
extraordinary DNA dynamics lurking before their eyes. In this regard, it should be noted that
studies of cloning also may be inappropriate when cloning is limited to somatic
cell sources for DNA. Lastly, because it
requires relatively little additional effort, any genome sequencing efforts
(whether or not single-nucleotide polymorphism [SNP] analyses are used) should
record and report G*C::A*T ratios to further one’s understanding of syntropy and its potential – both within individuals and
within herds and other groups.
----------------------------------------------
Roulette Wm. Smith
E-Mail: <najms
(at) postgraduate-interdisciplinary-studies.org>